Syria’s Fragile Freedom: The Struggle for Inclusive Democracy

Across Syria, the ousting of the Assad regime in December was met with widespread hope and celebration. Shortly thereafter, the suspension of economic sanctions offered a glimmer of relief from prolonged hardship. Yet, for many communities—especially the Kurds in the northeast—this period remains fraught with uncertainty and concern.

As Syria embarks on a new chapter, fundamental questions arise: Will the emerging state embrace democracy or revert to authoritarianism? Will it respect the rights of all citizens or perpetuate repression? The answer may lie in the northeastern region, where a unique multiethnic direct democracy has taken root.

The country’s interim Constitution falls short of representing Syria’s rich diversity. It inadequately safeguards minority and women’s rights and establishes Islamic law as the foundation of all national legislation within a highly centralized framework. This approach risks repeating Syria’s troubled history of autocratic governance dominated by a single ethnic group, which has consistently failed the nation. A fresh constitutional process is essential—one that ensures power sharing, protects political freedoms, decentralizes authority, and guarantees inclusive democratic participation regardless of religion, ethnicity, or gender.

This democratic vision originated in 2012 during the early phase of the Syrian revolution when the northeastern region, formally known as the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria—also called Rojava—secured autonomy. Covering nearly one-third of Syria’s territory, Rojava is home to close to two million Kurds alongside Arabs, Alawites, Armenians, Druze, Chechens, and other ethnic groups. It hosts a spectrum of religious communities, including Shia and Sunni Muslims, Yazidis, various Assyrian, Syriac, and Chaldean Christian denominations, as well as secular populations.

Under this administration, legal protections exist for all ethnic groups, and women occupy prominent roles in governance and society. In a region long shaped by autocratic regimes and repression, this system offers a potential blueprint not only for Syria’s future but also for broader Middle Eastern governance.

Governance in the region operates through a power-sharing model where every administrative role—from local mayors to the executive council—is co-held by a man and a woman from different ethnic backgrounds. Community assemblies govern neighborhoods, villages, and towns, electing delegates to regional councils. Local committees actively shape policies on health, education, defense, sports, women’s rights, and more.